The aim of building a revolutionary party was robbed of any real revolutionary content for these lefts since they held a position, effectively equivalent to that of USFI’s, of building such a party in the form of an organised group together with other existing tendencies on a programme of minimum demands. The Romanian Revolution was the bloodiest of the revolutions of 1989: over 1,000 people died, one hundred of which were children, the youngest only one month old. It was Kuron, for example, who played a vital role in securing the agreed compromise deal between Solidarnosc and the regime on workers’ management.The social democratic intelligentsia in the workers’ states is a central conduit of bourgeois ideas and programmes into the ranks of the working class. In the face of the Polish workers’ movement the party withered as an effective instrument of bureaucratic rule.The hardline defenders of bureaucratic rule—Jaruzelski for example—conducted a concerted strategy of attrition against Solidarnosc and the compromisers in their own ranks. Knowing the depths of popular support for Solidarnosc against the Stalinists, the National Commission in Gdansk immediately prior to Jaruzelski’s coup called for a referendum to back their claim for power-sharing with the church and, at least temporarily, with the Stalinists too.

If it ceases to perform this function it will be purged or even replaced as the immediate instrument of bureaucratic rule.In the face of the Gdansk strike wave the central bureaucracy itself divided over the tactics for preserving their caste rule. In such conditions revolutionary communists would pose a revolutionary answer to each of these issues, culminating in the transference of power to the proletariat.

The defection of this group of workers to the ranks of Solidarnosc was decisive, both in undermining a vital base of support for the Stalinist regime, and forcing the recognition of Solidarnosc.This was even reflected in a movement at the base of the PUWP for greater internal democracy, for the right to horizontal communication between party units, and for contested elections of party posts. It passed through a stage of immediate local economic demands on work conditions and wages to the formation of national Solidarnosc and the demand for free independent trade unions. The USFI oriented to the workers’ councils, which were built in the struggle around workers’ control, with the dead-end schemes of “self-management and an alternative plan” from Solidarnosc. They did so in opposition to Solidarnosc and the Network.

Not until the Stalinists braced themselves for hard line action against Solidarnosc did Walesa break from his perspective of collaboration with the Stalinists.The programme of this grouping, most notably represented by Kuron and Michnik and re-constituted in late November as the “clubs of the self-governing republic”, was for the reform of Poland on the road to its “Finlandisation”.

In the wake of the 1976 riots, for example, communists would have found themselves alongside the KOR militants who were opposing the imprisonment of workers involved in the riots.The KPN explicitly aims at re-drawing Poland’s borders so that they correspond with those achieved in 1921. The negotiations broke up and at a central committee meeting Jaruzelski announced his intention to ban strikes.

Rulewski’s formula announced in the Radom Tapes was for power to be shared until 1984 elections on the basis of 30% to the Stalinists, 25% to the peasants organisations, 25% to Solidarnosc with the rest going to lay Catholic organisations and the counter-revolutionary KPN.But for all the demagogic froth of Rulewski there is no evidence that he was urging, or that Solidarnosc was preparing, an armed insurrection on the eve of Jaruzelski’s coup.

While refusing to go so far as to condone the crack-down, they offered to calm the population in exchange for the release of detainees. It aims to drive women back into family life as child rearers and unpaid child minders. It explicitly aims at re-establishing capitalist property forms in Poland. Against Kuron, we argue that the purpose of the uprising of the Polish workers must be to take political power into the hands of workers’ councils backed by a workers’ militia, not a government of national compromise and agreement that will inaugurate a programme for the restoration of capitalism and the subordination of Poland to the EEC. On 14-15 April 1981 representatives of 17 key factories met on the initiative of the Warski (Szczecin) and Lenin (Gdansk) shipyards to establish the “Network” (siec) and discuss the issue of self-management.

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