Ambitious post-Trump populists and Trump critics who’ve been biding their time are both spoiling for a fight over the future of the party, which is to say a fight over the future of their respective careers. During the 2018 midterms, 91% of House members and 84% of Senators up for reelection were ; in 2016, those figures were 97% and 93% respectively.All of this is the product of a wide variety of structural factors—including polarization, gerrymandering and partisan geography, low turnout, the design of the Senate, and so on—that, on balance, advantage Republican politicians today.
But Republicans have been preoccupied with the idea that measures like the expansion of unemployment benefits in the CARES Act, set to expire this week, disincentivize work—never mind the fact that many workers across the country can’t go back to work even if they want to and that keeping people at home and off the job is, again, one of the goals of the relief effort.Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell waits for the Senate subway in Washington, DC.The Amateurs and Yes-Men in Trump’s Army of Judges The Amateurs and Yes-Men in Trump’s Army of Judges The 2020 Election Doesn’t Really Matter to RepublicansThe GOP is mostly insulated from the consequences that voters might be inclined to dole out in November. Speculation that the party might finally go after Medicare and social security in the last few months before the midterms subsided once it became clear that Republican lawmakers were actually considering nothing more than another round of and many Republican candidates wound up staking their campaigns on panic over the migrant caravan and other culture war material.If the conservative policy establishment was deeply disappointed by any of this, they showed few signs of it.

But the notion that most Republicans care about the party’s fortunes as much or more than their own careers seems dubious—if this was the case, they probably wouldn’t be backing ideas that might cross-pressure and endanger their vulnerable colleagues to begin with.

Generally speaking, politicians labeled Half-Breeds were moderates or progressives who opposed the machine politics of the Stalwarts and advanced civil services reforms.

The Roosevelt Institute’s Mike Konzcal summed the situation up well in a March 2018 blog post.

This has allowed most to stand proudly opposite public opinion on everything from health care to climate change without fear of electoral consequence. From the earliest days of the pandemic, experts have insisted on closing America’s workplaces and offering workers and businesses financial support until the virus has been brought under control. Susan Collins, Maine Republican, and Martha McSally, Arizona Republican.Copyright © 2020 The Washington Times, LLC. Even without those efforts, Republican politicians are answerable primarily to conservative voters in the portions of the country and the conservative outlets and institutions that shape their thinking.

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That work has alleviated some of the pressure Republicans might have to hold the Senate.But much of that pressure is also obviated, again, by the design of the Senate itself. In a Wednesday chastising moderate Republicans who plan on voting against the party in November, editor Rich Lowry couldn’t come up with a single policy item Republicans should look forward to enacting in another Trump term.It’s worth thinking through what purpose Republican power in Congress actually serves. The Half-Breeds were a reformist faction of the 1870s and 1880s. “More likely, they form a kind of entertainment industry that only is consequential to the extent it channels business interests or mass resentment.”They aren’t more consequential because as much as most Republican lawmakers might support broadly unpopular legislation, they can’t actually pass anything without the support of moderate Republicans in bluer parts of the country or the kinds of moderate and conservative Democrats who happily and eagerly signed onto welfare reform a generation ago. As of last week, The Cook Political Report has rated as either Lean Democratic, Lean Republican, or Tossups for November—that’s only about a sixth of the Senate Republican caucus.


The Republican House caucus was dominated by conservative Republicans, and the Tuesday Group was founded to counterbalance that conservative trend.

6.

But with cases surging in states across the country, a handful of moderate Republicans are joining their Democratic colleagues in calling for the Occupational Safety and Health Administration to put a safety rule into effect.

That didn’t happen.

It was founded in 1994 in the wake of the Republican takeover of the House.

In a Wednesday piece chastising moderate Republicans who plan on voting against the party in November, ... with the aid of the Republican Congress, had … Pundits and Fox News favorites on the Hill will attract attention and campaign donors drumming up rage at what Biden and Democrats in Congress are up to.

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